Education researcher Esther Quintero lucidly dissected the inherently illogical foundations of current reform efforts in the Shanker Blog, entitled The Un-American Foundations of Our Education Debate. Her perspective mirrored my own about the misplaced emphasis on teacher accountability without a concurrent one on student and family accountability (see my article, Conservatives: What Happened to Personal Responsibility?). Here is her article in it’s entirety.

Being from Spain, one of the first things that struck me as odd about the U.S. education debate was the ubiquitous depiction of “bad teachers” as the villains of education and “great teachers” as its saviors. Aside from the fact that this view is simplistic, the punish/praise-teachers chorus seemed particularly off-key—but I wasn’t sure why. I think I may have figured it out. I think that it may be un-American.

Let me explain. This is a nation that is supposed to be built around specific core values, such as individual effort, hard work, and taking responsibility for one’s own actions. If so, isn’t the fixation on teachers—to the seeming exclusion of students and parents—an indirect rejection of basic American principles?

This is not a discussion of what the good/bad teacher doctrine misses —we know it misses numerous dimensions of the education enterprise—but rather, what this doctrine assumes and how these assumptions conflict with the values that one expects most Americans to hold.

One problem with the narrow focus on teachers is that it views students exclusively as passive recipients of their own learning. Not to get too technical here, this goes back to a central question in the social sciences: namely, agency versus structure. Agency refers to the capacity of individuals to act independently and make their own choices. Structure refers to the conditions that shape and perhaps limit the range of alternative choices that are available. Western culture tends to favor agency over structure as an explanation for actions, a view which one would think would run particularly deep in the U.S.

Indeed, according to the World Values Survey, about 19 per cent of Americans were convinced (10, on a 1 to 10 point scale) that hard work ensures a better life, versus 11 per cent of Spaniards, and 13 per cent of Finns. Likewise, more than 21 per cent of Americans thought competition is good; only about 9 per cent of Spaniards thought the same. And, perhaps most revealingly, when asked why some people are “in need” 61 per cent of Americans attributed it to laziness and lack of will power; only 19 per cent of Spaniards agreed.  Taken together, these responses tend to support that Americans (certainly more so than Spaniards) are big believers in the American credo of effort, competition, and hard work bringing their own rewards.

To me, this is baffling. How can most Americans think that poor people are poor primarily because they are lazy, yet think that the children of the poor do poorly in school primarily because they have bad teachers? Something doesn’t quite click. In both cases, of course, a key explanation is missing: the structural component. That is, both downplay the importance of context, circumstances, institutions, etc. in explaining why bad outcomes occur and, thus, how they might be ameliorated. Poor people only have themselves to blame; kids have only their teachers—both are gross oversimplifications, but the latter also seems un-American in the sense that it indirectly portrays students as devoid of individual agency.

According to Diane Ravitch, “there was a time—which now seems distant—when most people assumed that students’ performance in school was largely determined by their own efforts and by the circumstances and support of their family, not by their teachers.” This is not that time.

Many, often competing, education reforms are on the table—i.e., developing new teacher evaluations and holding them more accountable, ending tenure, lowering class size, raising teacher salaries, adopting higher academic standards, and developing rich core curricula, to name a few. But the important issue of student effort seems now to be a missing ingredient in this debate. After all, isn’t it the student who must ultimately do the work of learning? Given the American credo, it is a puzzling omission. Parents, teachers, and peers influence student effort and motivation; but don’t kids deserve at least some of the credit when they do well and some of the blame when they do poorly? And, indeed, isn’t learning to be responsible one of the most important lessons of schooling?

According to some professors, the failure to learn this important life lesson causes problems all the way through college. This encounter with a student, described by Professor Brian B. Paul is but one example:

In the middle of a semester, one of my students in my developmental English course came to my office to tell me that he had to withdraw and that it was my fault. He couldn’t continue because my teaching style didn’t meet his needs. Foolishly, I asked for an explanation, and he spent the next five minutes outlining every instance in which I had interfered with his learning style, including by assigning homework, giving tests, taking attendance, and requiring that all essays be typed, printed out, and handed in at the very beginning of class. When I began to tell him that I do all of those things because I’m trying to teach academic responsibility, he interrupted and said, “You’re not letting me be me.”

At least in the early grades, a focusing on parents and teachers as the primary agents of schooling seems reasonable. But at what age do we start expecting students to assume some of the responsibility for their own learning?  And, by focusing so narrowly on teachers, are we saying that students, parents, and the society at large have no real say in the matter? I am not contending that there are any real right or wrong answers to these questions. But shouldn’t we at least be asking them?

In the end, Quintero’s article points to a need for a broader perspective, one that must combine the student and teacher (the school), the family, the community/culture, and the government towards what I have termed a culture of education. Many others, such as DiCarlo’s A Big Fish in a Small Pond, have made similar sentiments. Without building this long-term culture of education, learning and achievement will never be not optimized.

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The New York Times‘ article recently listed the educational background of the major players in the current ed reform movement. David Guggenheim, producer and director of the widely acclaimed and pro-charter school documentary Waiting for Superman went to Sidwell Friends School, the same one that President Obama’s daughters are attending, for example. Accountability advocate and financial backer Bill Gates went to private Lakeside School in Seattle. Former DC Chancellor Michelle Rhee went to Maumee Valley Country Day School in Toledo, Ohio. Accountability hawk Jeb Bush went to highly acclaimed independent school Phillips Andover in Massachusetts. Apparently, they all had private school education and have alternately advocated for stricter teacher accountability, charter schools, vouchers, or tying teacher pay/tenure to performance; in essence, the privatization of public schooling.

This observation is interesting on two fronts.

First, the privatizing of public education (traditionally a conservative and Republican doctrine), has been equally adopted by democrats as a way to address the educational slide raised by the report A Nation at Risk and current international performance comparisons of PISA. Such alliance was largely responsible for the relatively easy passing of No Child Left Behind Act in 2001 and its expected reauthorization this year by the Obama administration. Though bi-partisanship is generally welcomed, it signals a potential danger to teachers’ rights, particularly since the profession has been steadily weakened.

Second, conspiracy theorists might suggest that this privatization movement was designed to dismantle public education all along. NCLB originally mandated that all students will be proficient by 2014; however, with Secretary Duncan’s announcement that 82% of schools will be labelled “failing” this year (unless amendments are made to the existing Elementary and Secondary Education Act), it is tempting to believe in a hidden agenda when NCLB was first authorized. Conservative scholar Chester Finn further inflamed advocates of public education by recommending, “Blow it up and start over.”

With the increasing presence of venture philanthropists like Bill Gates, Eli Broad, and Sam Walton, who contribute vast amounts of money to research and education, public education policy is being influenced in ways not seen before. Joanne Barkan’s essay, Got Dough? How Billionaires Rule Our Schools brilliantly uncovers their intricate connections.

As such, the privatizing of public goods has always been the divisive issue between the haves and the have nots; simply put, those in power will always seek to curtail or dissolve social services since they have other means and resources, while those without it seek to keep and expand them. So what is the answer?

Balance.

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